Georgia

The (Almost) Forgotten History of the Georgian Workers’ Resistance to Soviet Occupation

Contributed by Irakli Iremadze

In contemporary Georgia, there is a remarkable absence of collective memory regarding the anti-Soviet resistance movement, particularly the role of the working class within it. Following the Soviet occupation in the early 1920s, independent, social-democratic trade unions were disassembled. The Great Terror of 1924 and the purges of 1936–1938 resulted in the physical extermination of nearly all democratic trade union leaders, alongside the suppression of left-wing parties, closely linked to labor movements.

In place of these independent trade unions, the Soviet regime established state-controlled trade unions that functioned as extensions of the Communist Party's apparatus. Rather than advocating for workers' rights, these unions primarily served as mechanisms for enforcing state policies, integrating workers into the totalitarian system rather than representing their interests.

In the post-Soviet period, the legacy of Soviet rule, connected with a broader historical rupture, impeded the formation of authentic left-wing political parties in Georgia. The absence of institutional continuity and the deliberate elimination of pre-Soviet labor movements left little foundation upon which new labor-oriented political organizations could be built. Moreover, contemporary Georgian trade unions, in their hierarchical structure, governance style—often characterized by the prolonged tenure of leadership—and limited political engagement, closely resemble their Soviet predecessors. They operate largely in isolation from the historical traditions of independent labor movements and remain disconnected from broader political and social struggles.

Georgian Working Class Before Soviet Ocupation

The origins of the labor movement in Georgia can be traced back to the 1870s, at the early stages of industrialization in the southern territories of the Russian Empire. By the late 1880s, the formation and consolidation of worker circles was facilitated and significantly influenced by the establishment of key industrial and transportation enterprises. By the mid-1890s, the Georgian proletariat strengthened ties with the emerging Social-democratic political movement.

For nearly three decades, the Social Democrats (“Mensheviks”) served as the representatives of Georgian working class, advocating their rights and interests. Their leadership played a key role during the Revolution of 1905, as they effectively mobilized workers and peasants. After the February Revolution of 1917, the Georgian Social Democrats had gained considerable influence, not only within Georgia but also in the wider revolutionary milieu.

The establishment of the first legal trade unions within the Russian Empire occurred in 1906-1907. However, these unions quickly disappeared due to the counter-revolutionary policies of the imperial government. The re-emergence of free trade unions was only made possible following the February Revolution of 1917, culminating during the Democratic Republic of Georgia (1918 -1921). In 1918, Georgia became the first country in Europe to be led by the Social Democrats. This period saw significant worker

representation across various governmental branches. The trade unions were predominantly led by Social Democrats, approximately 90% of their leadership. By early 1921, Georgia had founded over 120 trade unions with around 65,000 workers.

Despite sustained efforts over several decades, the Bolsheviks encountered significant challenges in establishing influence within the Georgian working class. During the Red Army's occupation of Georgia in February-March 1921, thousands of workers actively opposed the Russian forces, and following the annexation of Western Georgia in March 1921, the working class organized underground anti-Soviet military circles.

Soviet Ocuppation and Workers’ Resistance (1921-1923)

In February 1921, the Soviet authorities—referring to themselves as the "Workers' Government"—were met with strong hostility from Tbilisi's workers, refusing to collaborate with them. In response of this, the communists issued a call in early March for the establishment of new trade unions and conferences, deliberately excluding the Social Democrats from participating in the elections. The newly formed trade unions saw less than 10% worker participation in these formalized elections, highlighting the fact that the opposition to the Soviet regime continued even after the occupation.

The Soviet government’s most effective weapon against workers' resistance was mass dismissals. Between February 1921 and early 1922, approximately 900 workers were fired from the tram workshop, the majority of whom were ethnic Georgians. As May 1, 1921, approached, workers’ demonstrations prompted the regime to launch mass arrests. By May 1, 1921, the repression reached its peak, with approximately 1,000 Social Democrats arrested across Georgia.

On July 5, 1921, a spontaneous protest organized by social-democrats and others at the Nadzaladevi Workers' Club, where Joseph Stalin was visiting, resulted in severe implications. By July 13, 1921, 72 workers were arrested. That same month, the Cheka dismissed 4,374 railway workers and forcibly relocated approximately 1,000 workers to various regions of Soviet Russia. 

Amidst these challenges, in July 1921, Tbilisi workers engaged in underground activities within the country while also appealing to workers across Europe for support. In their letter, they wrote: "We, the workers of Georgia, who have a long history of movements and professional and social organizations, have not endured such a terrible regime even during the reactionary rule of Tsarism. The extreme conditions brought upon us by five months of Bolshevik violence compel us to inform the working class worldwide of our unbearable suffering, all being carried out in the name of socialism." This appeal was signed by 3,449 workers

In response to the letters, European socialist organizations expressed solidarity and agreed to send a delegation to investigate the situation in Georgia. However, the Bolshevik authorities denied the foreign imperialist interference in domestic affairs.

The workers' resistance culminated on October 24, 1921, when Tbilisi workers submitted a memorandum to Budu Mdivani, chairman of the Revolutionary Committee (Revkom). The document outlined eight key demands:

1. Restoration of Georgia’s independence and protection of the Georgian language,
2. Withdrawal of Russian troops from Georgia and the establishment of a Georgian army,
3. Freedom of workers’ organizations, assembly, speech, press, elections, and protection of homes and personal safety,
4. Immediate improvement of workers' material conditions to prevent their families from starving,
5. Ending the dismissal and forced exile of workers,
6. Elimination of abuses by foreign officials,
7. Ceasing Russian military executions in Georgian villages, and
8. Release of political refugees and prisoners. Mdivani refused to meet with the workers, and the delegation was captured and arrested by the Cheka.

In response, the workers issued an ultimatum demanding the release of the prisoners or threatening to go on strike. On November 1, 1921, they organized a one-day strike on the railway. The Soviet government retaliated by arresting more workers on November 3-4. From June 1 to November 1, 1921, the Cheka arrested approximately 850 workers, with an additional 400 arrested following the strike on November 1.

In late March 1922, Julius Braunthal, editor of the Austrian Social Democratic newspaper Arbeiter-Zeitung, visited Georgia on a humanitarian mission. During his three-week visit, Braunthal also met with Georgian Social Democrats. In his letters, Braunthal reported that between the Soviet occupation and April 1922, approximately 7,000 Social Democrats, primarily workers, were imprisoned intermittently or continuously without cause. According to his account, on April 12, 1922 alone, 300 Social Democratic workers were arrested in anticipation of potential large demonstrations ahead of the Genoa Conference.

Victor Servi, a leader of the international cooperative movement who visited Georgia in 1922, painted an even more terrible picture in his reports. In addition to detailing the repressive measures, Servi highlighted the severe living conditions of Georgian workers. Soviet authorities dismissed his visit as an intelligence operation orchestrated by Mensheviks.

In April 1922, a significant event for Georgian Social Democrats and workers unfolded in Berlin: the United Conference of International Socialist Organizations (the Second and Third Socialist International). However, the conference failed due to disruptive actions by the communists.

Since March 1921, the Soviet regime in Georgia had banned the free press. However, by 1922, with the financial assistance and donations from workers, the Committee succeeded in underground publishing two illegal newspapers, Voice of Georgia and Our Unity.

Since 1922, active preparations for an anti-Soviet uprising were initiated in Georgia by the Parity Committee. Central to the planning and execution of the uprising were the Social Democrats. Over the course of the next two years, the Soviet Cheka, captured and repressed those associated with the party and the broader anti-Soviet movement.

The 1924 Anti-Soviet Uprising

On August 28, 1924, the Anti-Soviet uprising in Georgia commenced one day earlier than initially planned, in Western Georgia, in the industrial town of Chiatura. The town saw a resistance of the predominantly Social Democratic workforce against Soviet rule. This premature outbreak of the uprising, and limited coordination across the Eastern Georgia, played into the hands of the Soviet authorities. However, the uprising in Western Georgia persisted for several days and resulted in the temporary disruption of Soviet authority in certain regions.

The defeat of the 1924 uprising was followed by a brutal and systematic repressions by the Soviet authorities. On August 30, 1924, the leaders of the Social Democratic Party were executed. The total number of individuals executed in 1924 reached 3,918. 14

Estimates of the number of individuals executed during the aftermath of the 1924 uprising vary significantly, with some foreign scholars, such as Braunthal, citing figures as high as 8,000 to 12,000 victims. However, the Soviet government of Georgia, under intense criticism both from Moscow and international observers, reported that 890 individuals were executed.

The consolidation of the Soviet Rule in Georgia came at a tremendous human cost, with thousands of individuals subjected to violent repression, resulting in their physical elimination. The workers’ resistance remains largely forgotten in Georgian history. However, 1924 uprising, through a lens of political narratives, often overlooks the contributions of thousands of individuals, instrumental in its planning and execution.