XIX. ANTISTHENES
1. Diog. Laert. VI 1, 1: οὗτος κατʼ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἤκουσε Γοργίου τοῦ ῥήτορος, ὅθεν τὸ ῥητορικὸν εἶδος ἐν τοῖς διαλόγοις ἐπιφέρει, καὶ μάλιστα ἐν τῇ Ἀληθείᾳ καὶ τοῖς Προτρεπτικοῖς. (2) φησὶ δʼ Ἕρμιππος, ὅτι προείλετο ἐν τῇ τῶν Ἰσθμίων πανηγύρει ψέξαι τε καὶ ἐπαινέσαι Ἀθηναίους, Θηβαίους, Λακεδαιμονίους, εἶτα μέντοι παραιτήσασθαι... ὕστερον δὲ παρέβαλε Σωκράτει –
2. Sud. lex. s. v.: Ἀντισθένης Ἀθηναῖος, ἀπὸ ῥητόρων φιλόσοφος Σωκρατικός.
3. Hieronymus c. Iov. II 14: innumerabiles libri eius, quοrum alios philosophicο, alios rhetorico genere conscripsit.
4. Diog. Laert. VI 1, 15: φέρονται δʼ αὐτοῦ συγγράμματα τόμοι δέκα. πρῶτος ἐν ᾧ περὶ λέξεως ἢ περὶ χαρακτήρων, Αἴας ἢ Ἀἴαντος λόγος, Ὀδυσσεὺς ἢ περὶ Ὀδυσσέως, Ὀρέστου ἀπολογία, περὶ τῶν δικογράφων· Ἰσογράφης ἢ Δεσίας {ἢ Ἰσοκράτης}, πρὸς 5 τὸν Ἰσοκράτους ἀμάρτυρον.
4 ἰσογραφὴ libri (em. Pohlenz). Isocratis et Lysiae nomina per iocum mutantur.
2 sq. Ad rem Usener, Kl. Schr. I 11 (Quaest. Anax. p. 13).
5. Ibid. 17: τόμος ἕβδομος, ἐν ᾧ περὶ παιδείας ἢ ὀνομάτων αʼ βʼ γ’ δʼ εʼ… περὶ ὀνομάτων χρήσεως ἢ ἐριστικός. περὶ ἐρωτήσεως καὶ ἀποκρίσεμως.
Haec aliquo modo rhetoricen tetigisse possunt. V. A. Mueller, De Antisthenis Cynici vita et scriptis (1860) 38 sq.
6. Epictetus Diss. 1, 17, 12: Ἀντισθένης δʼ οὐ λέγει; καὶ τίς ἐστιν ὁ γεγραφὼς ὅτι· ἀρχὴ παιδεύσεως ἡ τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐπίσκεψις;
Cf. Προδίκου τοῦ Κείου τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς ὀνόμασιν ἀκριβολογίαν.
7. Diog. Laert. VI 1, 3: πρῶτός τε ὡρίσατο λόγον εἰπών· λόγος ἐστὶν ὁ τὸ τί ἦν ἢ ἔστιν <ἢ ἔσται> δηλῶν.
8. Aristot. metaph. IV p. 1024 b 32: διὸ Ἀντισθένης ᾤετο εὐήθως μηθὲν ἀξιῶν λέγεσθαι πλὴν τῷ οἰκείῳ λόγῳ ἓν ἐφʼ ἑνός· ἐξ ὧν συνέβαινε μὴ εἶναι ἀντιλέγειν, σχεδὸν δὲ μηδὲ ψεύδεσθαι.
Multis haec Alexander Aphrodisiensis interpretatur (Comment. In Aristotelem gr. I p. 434, 25 sq. Hayduck), rei nihil novi addens. Antisthenis Ἀληθείᾳ locus recte adscribitur, licet autem ad philosophiam pοtius spectet, tamen rhetorum quoque auctor pascua invadit; idcirco proposui sicut id quoque, quod antecedit, fragmentum.
9. Athen. 220d: ὁ δὲ πολιτικὸς αὐτοῦ διάλογος ἁπάντων καταδρομὴν περιέχει τῶν Ἀθήνησιν δημαγωγῶν, ὁ δʼ Ἀρχέλαος Γοργίου τοῦ ῥήτορος, ἡ δʼ Ἀσπασία τῶν Περικλέους υἱῶν Ξανθίππου καὶ Παράλου διαβολήν.
Aspasiam etiam Aeschines Socraticus scripsit, vir ipse quoque ῥητορικός (Diog. Laert. II 7, 62 sq.), ac mirum sane duo scripta inter se cognata (v. Aeschinis Socratici reliquiae ed. H. Krauss 8 sq. p. 41 sq.71 sq.), nisi forte alter laudavit, alter vituperavit, eodem fere adparuisse tempore.
10. Porphyrii schol. ad Οdyss. α 1 (Η. Schrader, Porphyrii Quaestionum Homericarum ad Odysseam pertinentium rell. p. 1 sq): οὐκ ἐπαινεῖν φησιν Ἀντισθένης Ὅμηρον τὸν Ὀδυσσέα μᾶλλον ἢ ψέγειν λέγοντα αὐτὸν πολύτροπον. οὐκ οὖν τὸν Ἀγαμέμνονα καὶ τὸν Αἴαντα πολυτρόπους πεποιηκέναι, ἀλλʼ ἁπλοῦς καὶ γεννάδας, οὐδὲ τὸν Νέστορα, τὸν σοφόν, οὐ μὰ Δία δόλιον καὶ παλίμβολον τὸ ἦθος, ἀλλʼ ἁπλῶς τῷ Ἀγαμέμνονι συνόντα καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασι καὶ εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον, εἴ τι ἀγαθὸν εἶχε, συμβουλεύοντα καὶ οὐκ ἀπoκρυπτόμενον. καὶ τοσοῦτον ἀπεῖχε τοῦ τὸν τοιοῦτον τρόπον ἀποδέχεσθαι ὁ Ἀχιλλεύς, ὡς ἐχθρὸν ἡγεῖσθαι ὁμοίως τῷ θανάτῳ ἐκεῖνον, ὅς χʼ ἕτερον μὲν κεύθῃ ἐνὶ φρεσίν, ἄλλο δὲ εἴπῃ. (I 313).
λύων οὖν ὁ Ἀντισθένης φησί· τί οὖν; ἆρά γε πονηρὸς ὁ Ὀδυσσεύς, ὅτι πολύτροπος ἐρρέθη, καὶ μή, διότι σοφός, οὕτως αὐτὸν προσείρηκε; μήποτε οὖν τρόπος τὸ μέν τι σημαίνει τὸ ἦθος, τὸ δέ τι σημαίνει τὴν τοῦ λόγου χρῆσιν· εὔτροπος γὰρ ἀνὴρ ὁ τὸ 10 ἦθος ἔχων εἰς τὸ εὖ τετραμμένον, τρόποι δὲ λόγου αἱ ποιαὶ πλάσεις· καὶ χρῆται τῷ τρόπῳ καὶ ἐπὶ φωνῆς καὶ ἐπὶ μελῶν ἐξαλλαγῆς, ὡς ἐπὶ τῆς ἀηδόνος·
ἥ τε θαμὰ τρωπῶσα χέει πολυηχέα φωνήν (τ 521).
εἰ δὲ οἱ σοφοὶ δεινοί εἰσι διαλέγεσθαι, καὶ ἐπίστανται τὸ 15 αὐτὸ νόημα κατὰ πολλοὺς τρόπους λέγειν· ἐπιστάμενοι δέ πολλοὺς τρόπους λόγων περὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ πολύτροποι ἂν εἶεν. εἰ δὲ οἱ σοφοὶ καὶ <ἀνθρώποις συνεῖναι> ἀγαθοί εἰσι, διὰ τοῦτό φησι τὸν Ὀδυσσέα Ὅμηρος σοφὸν ὄντα πολύτροπον εἶναι, ὅτι δὴ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἠπίστατο πολλοῖς τρόποις συνεῖναι.
Codd. LMH 8 προείρηκε LM (οὕτως πρὸς αὐτὸν εἴρηκε H) 9 ἀνὴρ om. LM 10 λόγων H αἱ ποιαὶ: αἴτιαι LMH 12 ὡς οm. M 16 οἱ om. LM 17 ἀνθρώποις ὁμιλεῖν add. Schrader
Inter alia minime neglegenda est τρόπου ῥητορικοῦ interpretatio. Ceterum Socrates Hippiae sophistae de re opinionem auctore Platone his verbis comprehendit: τὸν πολύτροπον ψευδῆ λέγεις (Hipp. min. 365 Β). Mitior Antisthenes. Cum autem Ulixes apud Iulianum or. II 75 c ὁ ἐκ τῆς Ἰθάκης ῥήτωρ πολύτροπος appelletur, fortasse Antisthenis memor Cynicorum admirator fuit.
11. Antisthenis Aias
(1) ἐβουλόμην ἂν τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἡμῖν δικάζειν οἵπερ καὶ ἐν τοῖς πράγμασι παρῆσαν· οἶδα γὰρ ὅτι ἐμὲ μὲν ἔδει σιωπᾶν, τούτῳ δʼ οὐδὲν ἂν ἦν πλέον λέγοντι· νῦν δὲ οἱ μὲν παραγενόμενοι τοῖς ἔργοις αὐτοῖς ἄπεισιν, ὑμεῖς δὲ οἱ οὐδὲν εἰδότες δικάζετε. καίτοι 5 ποία τις ἂν δίκη δικαστῶν μὴ εἰδότων γένοιτο, καὶ ταῦτα διὰ λόγων; τὸ δὲ πρᾶγμα ἐγίγνετο ἔργῳ. (2) τὸ μὲν οὖν σῶμα τοῦ Ἀχιλλέως ἐκόμισα ἐγὼ φέρων, τὰ δὲ ὅπλα ὅδε, ἐπιστάμενος ὅτι οὐ τῶν ὅπλων μᾶλλον ἐπεθύμουν οἱ Τρῶες ἀλλὰ τοῦ νεκροῦ κρα-
3. 4 τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἔργοις 8 ἀλλʼ ἢ τοῦ
τῆσαι. τοῦ μὲν γὰρ εἰ ἐκράτησαν, ᾐκίσαντό τε ἂν τὸ σῶμα καὶ τὰ λύτρα τοῦ Ἕκτορος ἐκομίσαντο· τὰ δὲ ὅπλα τάδε οὐκ ἂν ἀνέθεσαν τοῖς θεοῖς ἀλλʼ ἀπέκρυψαν, (3) δεδιότες τόνδε τὸν ἀγαθὸν ἄνδρα, ὃς καὶ πρότερον ἱεροσυλήσας αὐτῶν τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς θεοῦ νύκτωρ ὥσπερ τι καλὸν ἐργασάμενος ἐπεδείκνυτο τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς. κἀγὼ μὲν 5 ἀξιῶ λαβεῖν ἵνʼ ἀποδῶ τὰ ὅπλα τοῖς φίλοις, οὗτος δὲ ἵνʼ ἀποδῶται, ἐπεὶ χρῆσθαί γε αὐτοῖς οὐκ ἂν τολμήσειε· δειλὸς γὰρ οὐδεὶς ἂν ἐπισήμοις ὅπλοις χρήσαιτο, εἰδὼς ὅτι τὴν δειλίαν αὐτοῦ ἐκφαίνει τὰ ὅπλα.
(4) σχεδὸν μὲν οὖν ἐστιν ἅπαντα ὅμοια. οἵ τε γὰρ διαθέντες 10 τὸν ἀγῶνα φάσκοντες εἶναι βασιλεῖς περὶ ἀρετῆς κρίνειν ἐπέτρεψαν ἄλλοις, οἵ τε οὐδὲν εἰδότες δικάσειν ὑπισχνεῖσθε περὶ ὧν οὐκ ἴστε. ἐγὼ δέ ἐπίσταμαι τοῦτο, ὅτι οὐδεὶς ἂν βασιλεὺς ἱκανὸς ὢν περὶ ἀρετῆς κρίνειν ἐπιτρέψειεν ἄλλοις μᾶλλον ἤπερ ἀγαθὸς ἰατρὸς 15 διαγνῶναι νοσήματα ἄλλῳ παρείη.
(5) καὶ εἰ μὲν ἦν μοι πρὸς ἄνδρα ὁμοιότροπον, οὐδʼ ἂν ἡττᾶσθαί μοι διέφερε· νῦν δʼ οὐκ ἔστιν ὃ διαφέρει πλέον ἐμοῦ καὶ τοῦδε. ὃ μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἔστιν ὅ τι ἂν δράσειε φανερῶς, ἐγὼ δὲ οὐδὲν ἂν λάθρᾳ τολμήσαιμι πρᾶξαι. κἀγὼ μὲν οὐκ ἂν ἀνασχοίμην κακῶς ἀκούων, οὐδὲ γὰρ κακῶς πάσχων, ὃ δὲ κἂν κρεμάμενος, εἰ 20 κερδαίνειν τι μέλλοι·
(6) ὅστις γε μαστιγοῦν παρεῖχε τοῖς δούλοις καὶ τύπτειν ξύλοις τὰ νῶτα καὶ πυγμαῖς τὸ πρόσωπον, κἄπειτα περιβαλόμενος ῥάκη, τῆς νυκτὸς εἰς τὸ τεῖχος εἰσδὺς τῶν πολεμίων, ἱεροσυλήσας ἀπῆλθε. καὶ ταῦτα ὁμολογήσει ποιεῖν, ἴσως δὲ καὶ πείσει, λέγων ὡς καλῶς 25 πέπρακται. ἔπειτα τῶν Ἀχιλλέως ὅπλων ὅδε ὁ μαστιγίας καὶ ἱερόσυλος ἀξιοῖ κρατῆσαι;
(7) ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν ὑμῖν λέγω τοῖς οὐδὲν εἰδόσι κριταῖς καὶ δικασταῖς, μὴ εἰς τοὺς λόγους σκοπεῖν περὶ ἀρετῆς κρίνοντας, ἀλλʼ εἰς τὰ ἔργα μᾶλλον. καὶ γὰρ ὁ πόλεμος οὐ λόγῳ κρίνεται 30 ἀλλʼ ἔργῳ· οὐδʼ ἀντιλέγειν ἔξεστι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀλλʼ ἢ μαχομένους κρατεῖν ἢ δουλεύειν σιωπῇ. πρὸς ταῦτα ἀθρεῖτε καὶ σκοπεῖτε· ὡς, εἰ μὴ δικάσετε καλῶς, γνώσεσθε ὅτι οὐδεμίαν ἔχει λόγος πρὸς ἔργον ἰσχύν, (8) οὐδʼ ἔστιν ὑμᾶς ὅ τι λέγων ἀνὴρ ὠφελήσει, εἴσεσθε δὲ ἀκριβῶς ὅτι διʼ ἀπορίαν ἔργων πολλοὶ καὶ 35 μακροὶ λόγοι λέγονται. ἀλλʼ ἢ λέγετε ὅτι οὐ ξυνίετε τὰ λεγόμενα
4 αὐτὸν X1 (corr.2) 11 φάσκοντες] οὐκ ὅντες 20 εἰ X εἴ γε apogr. 33 γνωσθήσεσθε
καὶ ἀνίστασθε, ἢ δικάζετε ὀρθῶς. καὶ ταῦτα μὴ κρύβδην {φέρετε}, ἀλλὰ φανερῶς, ἵνα γνῶτε ὅτι καὶ αὐτοῖς τοῖς δικάζουσι δοτέα δίκη ἐστίν, ἂν μὴ δικάσωσιν ὀρθῶς. κἄπειτʼ ἴσως γνώσεσθε ὅτι οὐ κριταὶ τῶν λεγομένων ἀλλὰ δοξασταὶ κάθησθε. (9) ἐγὼ δὲ διαγνώσκειν μὲν ὑμῖν περὶ ἐμοῦ καὶ τῶν ἐμῶν ἐπιτρέπω, διαδοξάζειν δὲ ἄπασιν ἀπαγορεύω, καὶ ταῦτα περὶ ἀνδρός, ὃς οὐχ ἑκὼν ἀλλʼ ἄκων ἀφῖκται εἰς Τροίαν, καὶ περὶ ἐμοῦ ὃς πρῶτος ἀεὶ καὶ μόνος καὶ ἄνευ τείχους τέταγμαι.
12. Antisthenis Ulixes
(1) οὐ πρὸς σέ μοι μόνον ὁ λόγος, διʼ ὃν ἀνέστην, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τοῦς ἄλλους ἅπαντας· πλείω γὰρ ἀγαθὰ πεποίηκα τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐγὼ ἢ ὑμεῖς ἅπαντες. καὶ ταῦτα καὶ ζῶντος ἂν ἔλεγον Ἀχιλλέως, καὶ νῦν τεθνεῶτος λέγω πρὸς ὑμᾶς. ὑμεῖς μὲν γὰρ 5 οὐδεμίαν ἄλλην μάχην μεμάχησθε, ἢν οὐχὶ καὶ ἐγὼ μεθʼ ὑμῶν· ἐμοὶ δὲ τῶν ἰδίων κινδύνων οὐδεὶς ὑμῶν οὐδὲν ξύνοιδε. (2) καίτοι ἐν μὲν ταῖς κοιναῖς μάχαις, οὐδὲ εἰ καλῶς ἀγωνίζοισθε, πλέον ἐγίγνετο οὐδέν· ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἐμοῖς κινδύνοις, οὓς ἐγὼ μόνος ἐκινδύνευον, εἰ μὲν κατορθώσαιμι, ἅπαντα ἡμῖν ἐπετελεῖτο, ὧν ἕνεκα δεῦρο 10 ἀφίγμεθα, εἰ δʼ ἐσφάλην, ἐμοῦ ἂν ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς ἐστέρησθε. οὐ γὰρ ἵνα μαχοίμεθα τοῖς Τρωσὶ δεῦρʼ ἀφίγμεθα, ἀλλʼ ἵνα τήν τε Ἑλένην ἀπολάβοιμεν καὶ τὴν Τροίαν ἕλοιμεν. (3) ταῦτα δʼ ἐν τοῖς ἐμοῖς κινδύνοις ἐνῆν ἅπαντα. ὅπου γὰρ ἦν κεχρημένον ἀνάλωτον εἶναι τὴν Τροίαν, εἰ μὴ πρότερον τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς θεοῦ λάβοιμεν τὸ 15 κλαπὲν παρʼ ἡμῶν, τίς ἐστιν ὁ κομίσας δεῦρο τὸ ἄγαλμα ἄλλος ἢ ἐγώ; ὃν σύ γε ἱεροσυλίας κρίνεις. σὺ γὰρ οὐδὲν οἶσθας, ὅστις τὸν ἄνδρα τὸν ἀνασώσαντα τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς θεοῦ, ἀλλʼ οὐ τὸν ὑφελόμενον παρʼ ἡμῶν Ἀλέξανδρον ἀποκαλεῖς ἱερόσυλον. (4) καὶ τὴν Τροίαν μὲν ἁλῶναι ἅπαντες εὔχεσθε, ἐμὲ δὲ τὸν ἐξευρόντα, ὅπως 20 ἔσται τοῦτο, ἀποκαλεῖς ἱερόσυλον; καίτοι εἴπερ καλόν γε ἦν ἑλεῖν τὴν Ἴλιον, καλὸν καὶ τὸ εὑρεῖν τὸ τούτου αἴτιον. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι χάριν ἔχουσι, σὺ δὲ καὶ ὀνειδίζεις ἐμοί. ὑπὸ γὰρ ἀμαθίας ὧν εὖ πέπονθας οὐδὲν οἶσθα. (5) κἀγὼ μὲν οὐκ ὀνειδίζω σοι τὴν ἀμαθίαν – ἄκων γὰρ αὐτὸ καὶ σὺ καὶ <οἱ> ἄλλοι πεπόνθασιν ἅπαντες – ἀλλʼ ὅτι διὰ τὰ ὀνείδη τὰ ἐμὰ σῳζόμενος οὐχ οἷός τε εἶ πείθεσθαι,
7 οὔτε 9 ὑμῖν 10 δὲ σφαλείην 16 σὺ γὰρ] σύ γε 24 πεπόνθα i. e. πεπόνθατε vel πεπόνθασιν
ἀλλὰ καὶ προσαπειλεῖς ὡς κακὸν δράσων τι τούσδε, ἐὰν ἐμοὶ τὰ ὅπλα ψηφίσωνται. καὶ πολλάκις γε ἀπειλήσεις καὶ πολλά, πρὶν καὶ σμικρόν τι ἐργάσασθαι· ἀλλʼ εἴπερ ἐκ τῶν εἰκότων τι χρὴ τεκμαίρεσθαι, ὑπὸ τῆς κακῆς ὀργῆς οἴομαί σε κακόν τι σαυτὸν ἐργάσεσθαι.
(6) καὶ ἐμοὶ μέν, ὅτι τοὺς πολεμίους κακῶς ἐποίησα, δειλίαν ὀνειδίζεις· σὺ δὲ ὅτι φανερῶς ἐμόχθεις καὶ μάτην, ἠλίθιος ἦσθα. <ἢ> ὅτι μετὰ πάντων τοῦτο ἔδρασας, οἴει βελτίων εἶναι; ἔπειτα περὶ ἀρετῆς πρὸς ἐμὲ λέγεις; ὃς πρῶτον μὲν οὐκ οἶσθα οὐδʼ ὅπως 10 ἔδει μάχεσθαι, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ ὗς ἄγριος ὀργῇ φερόμενος τάχʼ ἄν ποτε ἀποκτενεῖς σεαυτὸν κακῷ περιπεσών τῳ. oὐκ οἶσθα ὅτι τὸν ἄνδρα τὸν ἀγαθὸν οὔθʼ ὑφʼ αὑτοῦ χρὴ οὔθʼ ὑφʼ ἐταίρου οὔθʼ ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων κακὸν οὐδʼ ὁτιοῦν πάσχειν; (7) σὺ δὲ ὥσπερ οἱ παῖδες χαίρεις, ὅτι σέ φασιν οἵδε ἀνδρεῖον εἶναι; ἐγὼ δὲ δειλότατόν γε 15 ἁπάντων τε καὶ δεδιότα τὸν θάνατον μάλιστα· ὅστις γε πρῶτον ὅπλα ἔχεις ἄρρηκτα καὶ ἄτρωτα, διʼ ἅπερ σέ φασιν ἄτρωτον εἶναι. καίτοι τί ἂν δράσεις, εἴ τις σοὶ τῶν πολεμίων τοιαῦτα ὅπλα ἔχων προσέλθοι; ἦ που καλόν τι καὶ θαυμαστὸν ἂν εἴη, εἰ μηδέτερος ὑμῶν μηδὲν δρᾶσαι δύναιτο. ἔπειτα οἴει τι διαφέρειν τοιαῦτα ὅπλα 20 ἔχων ἢ ἐντὸς τείχους καθῆσθαι; καὶ σοὶ μόνῳ δὴ τεῖχος οὐκ ἔστιν ὡς σὺ φής· μόνος μὲν οὖν σύ γε ἑπταβόειον περιέρχῃ τεῖχος προβαλλόμενος ἑαυτοῦ· (8) ἐγὼ δὲ ἄοπλος οὐ πρὸς τὰ τείχη τῶν πολεμίων ἀλλʼ εἰς αὐτὰ εἰσέρχομαι τὰ τείχη, καὶ τῶν πολεμίων τοὺς προφύλακας ἐγρηγορότας αὐτοῖς ὅπλοισιν αἱρῶ, καὶ εἰμὶ 25 στρατηγὸς καὶ φύλαξ καὶ σοῦ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων, καὶ οἶδα τά τʼ ἐνθάδε καὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖς πολεμίοις, οὐχὶ πέμπων κατασκεψόμενον ἄλλον· ἀλλʼ αὐτός, ὥσπερ οἱ κυβερνῆται τὴν νύκτα καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν σκοποῦσιν ὅπως σώσουσι τοὺς ναύτας, οὕτω δὲ καὶ ἔγωγε καὶ σὲ καὶ τοῦς ἄλλους ἅπαντας σῴζω. (9) οὐδʼ ἔστιν ὅντινα κίνδυνον 30 ἔφυγον αἰσχρὸν ἡγησάμενος, ἐν ᾧ μέλλοιμι τοὺς πολεμίους κακόν τι δράσειν· οὐδʼ εἰ μὲν ὄψεσθαί μέ τινες ἔμελλον, γλιχόμενος ἂν τοῦ δοκεῖν ἐτόλμων· ἀλλʼ εἴτε δοῦλος εἴτε πτωχὸς καὶ μαστιγίας ὢν μέλλοιμι τοὺς πολεμίους κακόν τι δράσειν, ἐπεχείρουν ἄν, καὶ εἰ μηδεὶς ὁρῴη. οὐ γὰρ δοκεῖν ὁ πόλεμος ἀλλὰ δρᾶν ἀεὶ καὶ ἐν 35 ἡμέρᾳ καὶ ἐν νυκτὶ φιλεῖ τι. οὐδὲ ὅπλα ἐστί μοι τεταγμένα, ἐν οἷς προκαλοῦμαι τοὺς πολεμίους μάχεσθαι, ἀλλʼ ὅντινα ἐθέλει τις
1 δράσων τι] δράσαντι 5 ἐργάσασθαι 11 κακῶς 12 ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ ἑτέρου 17 δράσῃς 23 τείχει 26 πέμπω 36 τοῖς πολεμίοις
τρόπον, καὶ πρὸς ἕνα καὶ πρὸς πολλοὺς ἕτοιμός εἰμʼ ἀεί. (10) οὐδʼ ἡνίκα κάμνω μαχόμενος, ὥσπερ σύ, τὰ ὅπλα ἑτέροις παραδίδωμι, ἀλλʼ ὁπόταν ἀναπαύωνται οἱ πολέμιοι, τότε αὐτοῖς τῆς νυκτὸς ἐπιτίθεμαι, ἔχων τοιαῦτα ὅπλα ἃ ἐκείνους βλάψει μάλιστα. 5 καὶ οὐδὲ νὺξ πώποτέ με ἀφείλετο, ὥσπερ σὲ πολλάκις μαχόμενον ἄσμενον πέπαυκεν· ἀλλʼ ἡνίκα ἂν ῥέγχῃς σύ, τηνικαῦτα ἐγὼ σῴζω σέ, καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀεὶ κακόν τι ποιῶ, ἔχων τὰ δουλοπρεπῆ ταῦτα ὅπλα καὶ τὰ ῥάκη καὶ τὰς μάστιγας, διʼ ἃς σὺ ἀσφαλῶς καθεύδεις. 10
(11) σὺ δʼ ὅτι φέρων ἐκόμισας τὸν νεκρόν, ἀνδρεῖος οἴει εἶναι; ὃν εἰ μὴ ἠδύνω φέρειν, δύο ἄνδρες ἂν ἐφερέτην, κἄπειτα κἀκεῖνοι περὶ ἀρετῆς ἴσως ἂν ἡμῖν ἠμφισβήτουν. κἀμοὶ μὲν ὁ αὐτὸς ἂν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἦν λόγος· σὺ δὲ τί ἂν ἔλεγες ἀμφισβητῶν πρὸς αὐτούς; ἢ δυοῖν μὲν οὐκ ἂν φροντίσαις, ἑνὸς δʼ ἂν αἰσχύνοιο ὁμολογῶν 15 δειλότερος εἶναι; (12) οὐκ οἶσθʼ ὅτι οὐ τοῦ νεκροῦ τοῖς Τρωσὶν ἀλλὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἔμελεν ὅπως λάβοιεν; τὸν μὲν γὰρ ἀποδώσειν ἔμελλον, τὰ δὲ ὅπλα ἀναθήσειν εἰς τὰ ἱερὰ τοῖς θεοῖς. τοὺς γὰρ νεκροὺς οὐ τοῖς οὐκ ἀναιρουμένοις αἰσχρόν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς μὴ ἀποδιδοῦσι θάπτειν. σὺ μὲν οὖν τὰ ἕτοιμα ἐκόμισας· ἐγὼ δὲ τὰ ὀνειδιζόμενα 20 ἀφειλόμην ἐκείνους.
(13) φθόνον δὲ καὶ ἀμαθίαν νοσεῖς, κακῶν ἐναντιώτατα αὑτοῖς· καὶ ὃ μέν σε ἐπιθυμεῖν ποιεῖ τῶν καλῶν, ἢ δὲ ἀποτρέπει. ἀνθρώπινον μὲν οὖν τι πέπονθας· διότι γὰρ ἰσχυρός, οἴει καὶ ἀνδρεῖος εἶναι. οὐκ οἶσθα ὅτι σοφίᾳ περὶ πόλεμον καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ 25 οὐ ταὐτόν ἐστιν ἰσχῦσαι; ἀμαθία δὲ κακὸν μέγιστον τοῖς ἔχουσιν. (14) οἶμαι δ’, ἐάν ποτέ τις ἄρα σοφὸς ποιητὴς περὶ ἀρετῆς γένηται, ἐμὲ μὲν ποιήσει πολύτλαντα καὶ πολύμητιν καὶ πολυμήχανον καὶ πτολίπορθον καὶ μόνον τὴν Τροίαν ἑλόντα, σὲ δέ, ὡς ἐγᾦμαι, τὴν φύσιν ἀπεικάζων τοῖς τε νωθέσιν ὄνοις καὶ βουσὶ τοῖς φορβάσιν, 30 ἄλλοις παρέχουσι δεσμεύειν καὶ ζευγνύναι αὑτούς.
5 οὔτε 12 ἰσως] πως 18 ἀναιρουμένους X sec. Lampr. 23 δότι 27 ποιήση πολύτλαν τε 30 ὑπάρχουσι αὐτούς
Ὀρέστου ἀπολογίαν (v. s. 4) eiusdem generis fuisse declamationem, cuius orationes Aiacis et Ulixis sunt, dudum intellectum, auctor autem, sicut in Aiace et Ulixe, cum tragoedia certat. Scimus quidem ex Aristοtele (rhet. 1401 a 35) etiam a Theodecte poeta Οrestis apologiam secundum leges rhetoricas (ἐκ διαιρέσεως) esse elaboratam.
Dubia
13. Isocr. 10 (Helenae), 8: ἤδη τινὲς... τολμῶσι γράφειν, ὡς ἔστιν ὁ τῶν πτωχευόντων καὶ φευγόντων βίος ζηλωτότερος ἢ τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων.
Sequentia vide in excerptis ex Isocr. 10, 8-13. Huc rettulerunt Aristot. rhet. 1401 b 25 sq.: ὅτι ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς οἱ πτωχοὶ καὶ ᾄδουσι καὶ ὀρχοῦνται καὶ ὅτι τοῖς φυγάσιν ἔξεστιν οἰκεῖν ὅπου ἂν θέλωσιν· ὅπου γὰρ τοῖς δοκοῦσιν εὐδαιμονεῖν ὑπάρχει ταῦτα, καὶ οἷς ταῦτα ὑπάρχει, δόξαιεν ἂν εὐδαιμονεῖν. De Antisthene auctore cogitavit Usener Quaest. Anax. p. 9, Müller 18 adn. 2, alii aliter (Muenscher Rh. M. 54, 255 sq. Susemihl ibid. 55, 581 sq.), encomion aliquod ab Isocrate intellegi, ex iis, quae addit, satis apparet.
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XIX. Antisthenes
1. Diogenes Laertius 6.1.1: To begin with, he became a pupil of Gorgias the rhetorician, and hence the rhetorical style that he introduces in his dialogues, and especially in his Truth and in his Exhortations. [2] According to Hermippus he intended at the public gathering for the Isthmian games to discourse on the faults and merits of Athenians, Thebans and Lacedaemonians […]. Later on, however, he came into touch with Socrates.
2. Suda s.v.: Antisthenes of Athens, a Socratic philosopher among the rhetoricians.
3. Jerome, Against Jovinianus 2.14: He wrote countless books, of which some are on philosophy, others on rhetoric.
4. Diogenes Laertius 6.1.15: His writings are preserved in ten volumes. The first includes: A Treatise on Expression, or Styles of Speaking; Ajax, or The Speech of Ajax; Odysseus, or Concerning Odysseus; A Defence of Orestes, or Concerning Forensic Writers; Isography (similar writing), or Lysias and Isocrates; A Reply to the Speech of Isocrates entitled “Without Witnesses.”
Line 2 f.: On this topic see Usener, Kl. Schr. 1.11 (Quaest. Anax. p. 13).
5. Diogenes Laertius 17: The seventh volume contains the following: On Education, or On Names, in five books; . . . On the Use of Names: a controversial work; Of Questioning and Answering.
These works may have touched on rhetoric in some way. See A. Mueller, De Antisthenis Cynici vita et scriptis (1860) 38 f.
6. Epictetus, 1.17.2: Antisthenes does not say it? Then who was it who wrote: ‘The beginning of education is the study of words’?
Cf. Prodicus of Ceos' Precision in Terms.
7. Diogenes Laertius 6.1.3: He was the first to define statement (or assertion) by saying that a statement is that which sets forth what a thing was or is <or will be>.
8. Aristotle, Metaphysics 1024 b32: Hence it was foolish of Antisthenes to insist that nothing can be described except by its proper definition: one predicate for one subject; from which it followed that contradiction is impossible, and falsehood nearly so.
Alexander of Aphrodisia explains these words at length (Comment. in Aristotelem gr. I p. 434, 25 f. Hayduck), but adds nothing of substance. The passage is rightly attributed to Antisthenes’ Truth, although it belongs more to philosophy – yet the author also treads on the rhetoricians’ turf. Therefore, I have added this fragment as well as the preceding.
9. Athenaeus: His political dialogue contains an invective against all Athenians demagogues, the Archelaos one against Gorgias, the Aspasia a slander of Perikles’ sons Xanthippos and Paralos.
Aeschines the student of Socrates also wrote an Aspasia; a man who is himself called ‘rhetorical’ as well (Diog. Laert. 2.7.62 f.). It is fairly strange that two works related to each other (see Aeschinis Socratici reliquiae ed. H. Krauss 8 f., p. 41 f., 71 f.) should have appeared at about the same time, unless one praised her and the other criticized.
10. Porphyrius, Scholion on Homer Odyssey 1.1: Antisthenes claims that Homer is not praising Odysseus when he calls him ‘a man of many devices’, but rather berating him. For he did not make Agamemnon or Ajax ‘men of many devices’, but simple and noble; and the wise Nestor he did not make, by Zeus, a fraud with an untrustworthy character, but he deals straightforwardly with Agamemnon and all the others and, if he has something worthwhile to say regarding military affairs, he gives advice instead of hiding it. And Achilles was so far from accepting such a behaviour that he hates as much as death "that man that hideth one thing in his mind and sayeth another" (Iliad 9.313).
Antisthenes says this by way of refutation [?]. But so what? Is Odysseus a bad person because he is made to be a man of many devices, rather than being called that because he is clever? Does ‘τρόπος’ not signify on the one had a person’s character, but on the other hand also the use of speech: a man with a ‘good tropos’ is ‘turned’ toward the good, but the τρόποι of speech are the compositions, whatever they are. Homer uses the word to refer to variance both in the voice and in the singing, as with respect to the nightingale: ‘with many trilling notes she pours forth her rich voice.’[Odyssey 19.521]
Also, if clever people are very good at discussing and know how to express the same idea in several ways, then since they know many ways of speaking about the same thing they are of many devices. And if the clever are good at dealing with people, this is why Homer says that Odysseus, who is clever, is ‘of many devices’: he knew how to deal with people in several different ways.
11. Ajax (translation by Billy Kennedy)
(1.1) I wish I were being tried by the very people who were there with us during this venture. For I know that while I would only need to be silent, nothing would be gained by this man by arguing. But as it is, those who were there during these deeds are absent, and you (1.5) ignorant men are judging me. What sort of justice could one receive from judges who are ignorant? And by arguments at that! But the endeavour came about via action.(2.1) While I picked up and carried the body of Achilles, this man took the arms, knowing that the Trojans were not more eager about the arms, but rather to gain control of the body. For if they had gained control of it, they would have ravaged (2.5) his body and gained requital for Hector. But the arms, these they would not have dedicated to their gods, but would have | hidden them away (3.1) out of fear of this “brave” man, who had also previously robbed their temple of the statue of the goddess by night, and as if he were carrying out some noble deed he displayed it to the Achaeans. And indeed I think I deserve to receive them, so that I can restore (3.5) the arms to his friends. But this man, so that he can sell them, since he surely would not dare to use them. For no coward uses conspicuous arms – he knows that the arms make his cowardice obvious.
(4.1) So it is more or less the same all over. For those men who arranged the contest, though they claim to be kings, entrusted the judgement of excellence to others, and you who are ignorant have undertaken to judge a matter about which you have no clue. But I know this: (4.5) that no king competent to judge about excellence would entrust this to others any more than a good doctor would allow the diagnosis of illnesses by another.
(5.1) And if I were opposed to a man of similar character to myself, being defeated would not matter to me. But as it is, nothing could be more different than me and him. For while there is no exploit he would do openly, I would not dare to do anything surreptitiously. (5.5) And whereas I could not bear a cowardly reputation, nor to be mistreated, he would endure being strung up if he could derive any profit by it.
(6.1) He who in fact did submit himself to being flogged by slaves, and being beaten with rods on the back, and punched with fists in the face, and then having thrown rags about himself, by night he crept inside the walls of the enemy, and having committed temple-robbery, he came back. And this he will admit (6.5) to doing. And perhaps he will be persuasive – arguing that it is a splendid achievement. And then this man – who has been flogged and is a temple-robber – thinks he deserves to gain possession of the arms of Achilles?
(7.1) On the contrary, I enjoin you ignorant men – judges and jurymen – not to consider arguments when you are deciding about excellence, but rather to consider deeds. For indeed war is not decided by argument but by action. It is not possible to gainsay the (7.5) enemy, but either to fight and conquer, or be enslaved – in silence. Look at and consider this! That unless you judge well, you will come to realise that argument has no power in comparison | with action; (8.1) and nor is there any way an arguing man will aid you, but you will know to a nicety that because of a dearth of deeds, many and long arguments are argued. But either admit that you do not understand the arguments made, and adjourn; or judge correctly! And do this (8.5) not secretly, but openly! So that you may realise that there is a penalty that must be paid by the judges themselves, if they do not judge correctly. And then perhaps you will also recognise that you are seated here not as judges over the arguments but merely as guessers. (9.1) But while I rely upon you to make determination about me and my affairs, I forbid all of you from making guesses, and this matter is about a man, who not willingly but rather unwillingly came to Troy, and about (9.5) me, who am always stationed first, and alone, and without walls.
12. Odysseus
(1.1) My argument – for which I rose to speak – is not to you alone, but also to all the others. For I have done the army greater good than all of you. And these things, that I would have said to you even if Achilles were alive, I am saying to you now that he is dead. (1.5) For you fought no battle, but those which I also fought with you. But none of you shares with me the knowledge of the risks I took on my own. (2.1) And indeed, in these shared battles, not even if you had contended honourably, would any more have been achieved. But in respect of my ventures – through which I alone hazarded the dangers – if in fact I have executed them successfully, then all the goals for which we came to this place have been accomplished (2.5) for you, and if I had failed, you would have been deprived of but one man. For it was not to fight against the Trojans that we came here, but to recover Helen and capture Troy. (3.1) And all these depended on my ventures. For example, when the oracle pronounced Troy impregnable unless we had first seized the statue of the goddess that was stolen from us; who conveyed the statue here (3.5) other than I, the man whom you (Ajax) adjudge guilty of temple-robbery? For you are ignorant, you who call the man who recovered the statue of the goddess 'temple-robber', but not Alexander who stole it from us! (4.1) And while every one of you is praying that Troy be captured, I, who discovered how this will come to pass, you brand 'temple-robber'? And yet if it was really noble to capture Ilion, it was also noble to discover the means to do it. (4.5) And while the others are grateful, you go so far as to reproach me. For through stupidity you are ignorant of the benefits you have received. (5.1) And I in fact am not reproaching you for your stupidity – for both you and all others who suffer this condition do so involuntarily – but rather, the fact that you are incapable of believing though saved by these shameful acts of mine, that you were saved by me. And (5.5) you are even threatening in addition that you will do some harm against these men, if they were to vote the arms to me. And indeed you will threaten often and much, before you will accomplish even the slightest thing. But if one must form a judgement from probability, I think that by your wicked rage you will do some harm to your very self.
(6.1) And so you rebuke me for cowardice because I have done harm to the enemy. But because you were toiling openly and in vain, you were foolish. Or is it because you have done this along with everyone, you think you are better? And then you speak to me about excellence? You who (6.5) in the first place don't know even how you ought to fight, but just like a wild pig is carried away by anger, perhaps one day you will kill yourself when you fall upon something evil. Do you not know that a brave warrior should not suffer evil in any way whatsoever, not by his own hand, or his companion's nor even at the hands of his enemies? (7.1) But do you delight just as children do, because these men say that you are brave? But I say you are actually the greatest coward of all and fear death the most. You who firstly have arms that are unbreakable and unpierceable, on account of which (7.5) they say that you are invulnerable. And yet what would you do, if one of your enemies were to approach you bearing such arms? For surely this would be something fine and marvellous, if neither of you were able to do anything! Secondly, do you think there is any difference between bearing such arms and being ensconced within a city-wall? For you alone (7.10) there is no wall – so you say. Yet in fact it is you alone who go around carrying a seven-ox-hide wall before yourself. (8.1) Whereas I go unarmed, not just up to the walls of the enemy, but inside the very walls themselves. And I overpower the fully awake sentries of the enemy, weapons and all, and I am the general (8.5) and protector of both you and all of the others, and I know what is going on here and among the enemy, and not because I send another spying; but I myself, just as helmsmen keep watch – through the night and through the day, so that they save the sailors – so I am the one who saves both you and all the others. (9.1) And there is no danger that I shirked, because I thought it shameful, provided I could do some damage to the enemy. And not even if some people were likely to witness me, would I have undertaken my ventures out of lust for a glorious reputation; but either as a slave, or as a beggar and knave, (9.5) intending to do some harm to the enemy, I would make my attempt, even if no one was watching. For war does not lend itself to making glorious displays, but to taking action continuously both by day and by night. I have no prescribed armaments in which I challenge the enemy to fight, but by whatever way anyone wants, both (9.10) against one or against many, I am always ready. (10.1) When I grow weary of fighting, I do not, as you do, hand over my arms to another, but whenever the enemy rests, then I attack them in the night, bearing such armaments as will (10.5) harm them the most. And nor has the night ever yet hindered me, as it has many times readily stopped you fighting. But when you are snoring, at precisely that time I keep you safe; and ever doing some harm to the enemy – bearing these servile weapons, and rags, and lash marks – because of which you securely sleep.
(11.1) And did you think that picking up and carrying the body was brave? Which if you had not been able to pick up, two men would have picked up, and then they would have perhaps been disputing with us over the prize of valour. And I would have been delivering this very argument to them; and what would you (11.5) be saying as you disputed against them? Or would you have given no heed to two, but feel shame to admit to being more cowardly than one? (12.1) Are you ignorant that the body was of no concern to the Trojans but it was the arms that they were eager to seize? For they were going to give back the body, but the arms they were going to dedicate at their temples to the gods. For those failing to take up bodies don't have shame, but rather those do (12.5) who don't give them up for burial. So you carried away what was easy, while I took from them the things which, by my seizing, brings them reproach.
(13.1) You are suffering from envy and ignorance, the most antithetical of evils to each other: the one makes you desire noble things, the other turns you away from them. So you are the victim of a particularly human frailty – for since you are strong, you suppose that you are also brave. Are you ignorant that (13.5) cleverness and bravery in battle is not the same thing as being strong? Stupidity is the greatest evil to those who have it. (14.1) But I believe, that if there ever arises a poet who is shrewd concerning excellence, he will portray me as much enduring, and much wily, and much scheming, and a sacker of cities – the one who alone seized Troy. But you, (14.5) I believe, he will depict with a nature resembling that of lazy donkeys and grazing cattle – permitting others to chain and yoke them.
13. Isocrates 10: Some even dare write that the life of beggars and exiles is to be more envied than that of all others.
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