Increase Transportation Choice.
        
        A transit-oriented and automobile restrained transportation system is at the core of the various GVRD sustainability initiatives, its member municipalities, and the GVTA. A transit-centred transportation system is to be achieved in part through an increase in transit supply and through trip reduction strategies implemented at both municipal and regional levels. However, a multiplicity of data shows that transportation patterns and modal split continues to exist in post parts of the region at unsustainable levels. A statistical break down summarizing regional transportation patterns is provided in Box 2.1.


BOX 2.1: Statistical Summary
          Of all journeys in the GVRD in 2000, some 83% were taken by private automobile, 9% by public transit, and 8% by foot and bicycle (combined) (GVRD, 2001b).  Within the GVRD, transit use varies considerably by municipality. Within the city of Vancouver, where population and employment densities are the highest in the region, the all day transit share of travel is estimated at around 17%. Burnaby and New Westminster are in the range of 13%, while the lower density suburban areas have significantly lower transit mode shares in the range of 2 - 8%. Throughout the GVRD, use of public transit on a per capita basis in 2000 had not improved, rather, it had declined, from 67 trips per capita in 1991 to 64 trips per capita in 2000 (GVRD, 2001a). According to 1999 survey results, the total number of vehicles on Lower Mainland roads during the a.m. peak period is 363,946; the total number of vehicle passengers (not including driver) is 135,443; and the average occupancy per 100 vehicles is 137. In the GVRD, the number of insured vehicles went up from 1, 021, 200 making 4, 780, 100 trips per day in 1994, to 1, 180, 400 insured vehicles making 5, 478, 400 trips per day in 1999  (GVRD, 2001c).
           Further, vehicle ownership not only continues to increase in the GVRD, it is doing so faster than the growth in population, that shows a slight upward trend of automobile ownership, with a ratio of 0.59 vehicles per person in 1999, up from 0.57 per person in 1994. The just released 2002 annual report of the LRSP shows that vehicles continue to proliferate in the region, stating that in January of 2002, there was a 1.9 per cent increase in licensed vehicles in the region, compared with an estimated 1.3 per cent increase in population. (The Georgia Straight, 03/04/03; 12). Further, the increase in automobile trips from 1994 to 1999 (14.6%) was greater than the growth in population (10.6%) for the same period 1994 (GVRD, 2001c). Data provided by trip diary surveys conducted in 1994 and 1999 show a slight increase in the proportion of trips made by public transit in the morning peak, from 11.3 per cent of all trips to 12.5 per cent in 1999 (GVRD 1999). However, A 1999 Translink discussion paper showed that transit mode share has remained more or less unchanged in the last 10 years at 11 per cent, but with some growth in the mid-day and evening where transit mode share shifted slightly from 8 to 10 per cent (Translink, 1999). Between 1985 and 1996, there appears to have been little change in the proportion of automobile drivers, and a gradual worsening of automobile occupancy. In other words, there are just as many cars per capita on the road, but they are carrying a smaller proportion of all work commuters. Census data and trip diary surveys show that non-motorized modes of travel have improved somewhat.
       A more comprehensive picture of commuter patterns, which make up approximately 1/3 of all trips made in the region, is given by 1996 census data for the Vancouver CMA (GVRD, 1999).  In 1996, 77.2 per cent of work trips made outside the home were made by automobile; 70.6 per cent as driver and 6.6 per cent as passenger. Public transit made up made up 14.3 per cent of work trips, walking 5.8 per cent, bicycle 1.7 per cent, and other modes 1.0 per cent. Between 1985 and 1996, automobile driver commuter mode share was essentially unchanged, while automobile passenger mode share declined sharply from 10.3 per cent to 6.6 per cent, indicating a less efficient use of automobiles for commuting. There were very modest increases in public transit mode shares from 13.1 per cent to 14.3 per cent, and non-motorized mode shares from 5.6 per cent to 7.5 per cent.
         Census data also shows that a dispersed pattern of sub-regional travel in the region, a defining characteristic of suburban sprawl, continued to increase in the GVRD up to the 1996 census. Over the three decades prior to 1996, progressively more work trips were crossing sub-regional boundaries and major water boundaries (transportation bottle necks), and occurred outside the central city. The proportion of trips with both a suburban origin and a suburban destination indicate the degree of dispersal in the regional journey to work: 35.0 per cent in 1971, and 51.6 per cent in 1996. Sub-regional work trip patterns also indicate that low percentages of trips are captured within home sub-regions. A progress report undertaken by the GVRD and Translink showed that between 1985 and 1996, City-City travel in the GVRD grew by 28%, City-Suburb travel grew by 26%, and Suburb-Suburb travel grew by 46%, indicating a continued dispersal of activity and transportation patterns (GVRD, 2001c).
       The proportion of work trips arriving in each sub-region by each mode shows that the City of Vancouver and the University Endowment Lands together had the highest transit mode share (26.2 per cent) and the lowest automobile driver mode share (56.1 per cent). All other sub-regions were below the regional average (14.3 per cent). Municipal mode shares show similar patterns. Interestingly, for many cities and sub-regions within the GVRD, walking and biking, or automobile passenger, make up more work trips than by public transit.
     Commuter mode shares of major regional centres, i.e. downtown and the eight regional town centres, or RTC’s, reflects a similar pattern to commuter mode shares of the GVRD sub-regions mentioned above. The downtown core is the only area of the region where non-automobile commuter mode shares (50.7 per cent) are greater than automobile commuter mode shares (48.6 per cent). Among RTC’s, only Metro Town has a transit mode share above 20 per cent, or indeed above the regional average of 14.3 per cent (GVRD, 1998a)
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        The map below shows the regional distribution of non-automobile (‘green’) commuter modes in 1996, i.e., those made walking, by bicycle, or by transit. We can see higher 'green' modes concentrated towards the metropolitan core, and lower 'green' modes concentrated on the regions urban fringes and outlying areas.


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        The following map shows those residential areas in the region that are beyond 500 metres of a transit stop. It is evident that many residential areas on the fringe and outlying areas of the region are beyond the reach of transit. Most notable are the large swaths of residential area without transit service (shown in red) in South Surrey, East Surrey, and Northwest Langley. This suggests land-use decisions were divorced from transportation decisions in the development of these areas. This map also shows the regional provision of transit services, showing fairly good provision of park and rides at bus exchanges throughout the region with the exception of Surrey, where only one bus exchange, and no sky train stations, have a park and ride facility. The provision of park and ride facilities is extremely important in auto dependant, low density areas where a car is needed to conveniently access to the regional transit system at strategic transit exchanges with parking facilities.     


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The following map shows the over-whelmingly auto-dependant urban fringes and outlying areas of the region.


M3


        The broad picture of regional transportation patterns in the GVRD described by the variety of statistical data in box 2.1 shows that transportation patterns in the region continue to be overwhelmingly dominated by the automobile, and are becoming increasingly dispersed, suggesting further, and perhaps even increased reliance on the automobile in the future.  What increase there has been in non-automobile use in the region has mostly occurred in the City of Vancouver and more specifically the metropolitan core where there is a significant concentration of jobs and population. From a regional perspective, in serving the journey to work, greater Vancouver’s transportation system continues to rely overwhelmingly on automobiles and far too lightly on transit.  Compared with other urban regions in Canada, Greater Vancouver’s transportation system fairs poorly in terms of achieving sustainability. According to measures used in a June 1996 Study by the Transportation Association of Canada, in comparison to most other large urban areas in Canada, Greater Vancouver has the highest rate of car ownership, the lowest supply of transit per capita, and the second lowest transit use.
    
        Clearly, the cornerstone of sustainability in the region - a transit oriented regional transportation system, is not on track to being realized. Not even the very low transportation target of a morning rush hour modal split of 18 per cent across the region appears to be attainable. And recently released data shows that vehicles continue to proliferate in the region, showing that in January of 2002, there was a 1.9 per cent increase in licensed vehicles in the region, compared with an estimated 1.3 per cent increase in population (Smith,2003; 12). As transportation outcomes are intricately linked to land-use patterns, the continued proliferation and growth of automobile use in the region suggests the continuance of a dispersed, low density, and segregated regional urban fabric (in addition to the numerous other cultural and behavioral factors associated with the proliferation of automobiles).

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